Rawls does not accept this, saying that if there is a conflict between "claims of liberty and right on the one hand and the desirability of increasing aggregate social welf be on the other(a) . . . we give a indisputable priority, if not absolute weight, to the former." Individual liberty is "not heart-to-heart to political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests." The view of the society as "average" is that it makes an important presumption: that all persons in society will be sufficiently free-handed in temperament to have the welfare of the greater trade good fo
[T]his principle [utilitarianism] may be viewed as the ethics of a single rational individual prepared to take whatever chances necessary to maximize his prospects from the viewpoint of the initial situation. (If there is no objective basis for probabilities, they are computed by the principle of insufficient reason.) Now it is tempting to betoken against this principle that it presupposes a real and equal acceptance of take a chance by all members of society. At some time, one wants to say, everyone must(prenominal) actually have agreed to take the same chances. Since understandably there was no such occasion, the principle is unsound.
No stem can be excluded wholesale from any available medical exam procedures, medications, and other health-relevant goods.
There are three exceptions, analogous to those in the case of educational and job openings. . . . (1) inability or unwillingness to pay the access price, (2) medical unsuitability (as when the procedure would be unnecessary or ineffective), or (3) age . . . because it does not differentially affect persons' lifetime shares of medical care.
Consider Pogge's discussion of naturally occurring, socially induced, and self-induced medical conditions. Inevitably, the determination of which category applies to the medical needs of any individual or group could bog dash off in issues that big businessman have implications well beyond the background of medical-care theory. What, for example, are we to think of a society that will gunstock anti-smoking research so long as its beneficiaries are seemingly those who are economically productive but not necessarily those who are just interested in staying alive. By this logic, it is liable that preaching of the lung cancer of the ex-smoker who can return to the assembly line and put in a good day's work might be covered by health insurance. But treatment for a nonworking wife who had no child-rearing responsibilities but who contracts lung cancer from exploited smoke, would by no means be guaranteed. On the other hand,
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