However, such messages argon in addition in tension with the news that they enable, to the degree the news whitethorn be structured in a way that has the put up of encouraging informants to stay tuned for the news age they in like manner view the commercials. That rationalizes the use of the "tease," the name given to on-air "come-on" vocabulary that envisions upcoming news much as carnival barkers forecast what is inside the tent (pp. 27-8). For example: Tornado. Find out where it hit. moving picture at eleven. Such news teases are embedded non only in entertainment programming. letter carrier and Powers explain:
It starts while you're watching the entertainment shows before the news. Whether you know it or not, we are programmed to watch the news, by programmers. . . . So the United Couch Potatoes of the States sit and sit, and sit, and before the know it, Marsha and Rick have aquiline us into their news program, promising "team coverage," no less, of today's modish disaster. . . . This is why the best news program may not have ratings as high as a news program with a strong lead-in. It may not be fair but it is television (Postman & Powers, 1992, p. 29).
Postman, N., & Powers, S. (1992). How to watch TV news. New York: Penguin.
It is tempting to blame the corporate interests for deliberately packaging news as entertainment in an exciting manner; however, viewers, or consumers, of television news are equally culpable, as for example when their principal comment on news broadcasts has less to do with the issues involved than with the appearance of the broadcaster. Postman and Powers point of reference the liberal use of "focus groups" (pp. 33-4), which provide opinions to the highest degree so-called TVQ, or the watchability quotient, of presenter-performers.
Meanwhile, of course, the corporatist-marketing element of TV news is busily engaged at keeping viewers engaged, which does much to explain the news-sports-weather-feature format that enables broadcasters to keep the mood light, and try to leave the viewer with a smile" (p. 37). Smiling viewers, the theory seems to be, are more(prenominal) likely than unsmiling ones to remain seated and viewing the "news" station to which they are tuned than to trouble themselves with changing a channel. The authors cite the appearance of chaotically ordered stories in a common newscast, noting, however, that it is only appearance and that story order "is really score to draw the audience from one story to the next--from one part to the next--through the commercial breaks to the end of the show" (1992, pp. 111-112).
ckaged, but it has credibility as harder information, a credibility reinforced by the enormous start out of technology that supports visual and auditory interest in news reports. Viewers may believe that they are becoming reliably informed on the state of the world and on issues that may be of importance to them. However, the fact of packaging begs the question of brand and marketing, and the most egregious violation of the hard-news aspect of news occurs when news organizations of high repute construct reenactments of events that could not have been record in real time (p. 93ff). Such devi
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